文武
文和武的概念是中国哲学和政治文化中的重要组成部分，描述了朝廷中民事和军事领域的对立和互补。文武之别涉及到了刑事处罚、行政控制、社会秩序的创造和再生产、教育和道德改造等方面的讨论[1]。
该概念最早形成于春秋和战国时期，并在公元前三世纪至二世纪期间逐渐完善。然而由于西方学者对儒学在先秦和早期秦汉当中重要性认识的不准确，以及将儒学的本质看作是和平主义的误解，前者直到最近才受到西方学者的过多讨论[2]。约翰·费尔班克的观点为第二点提供了一个例子：“儒家不尊重战争……诉诸战争（“武”）就等于承认追求“文”（文明或文化）的过程破产了。 因此，这应该是最后的手段……这就是中国传统的和平主义倾向……通过文扩张……是自然而正确的； 而吴国的扩张、暴力和征服是绝不可宽恕的。”[3]
历史
Attested in Shang dynasty oracle bones, the earliest uses were in the posthumous epithets of certain Shang ancestors, the first recorded – conveniently, for both – being Wen Wu Ding.[4] The most common use case of wen in the epigraphic record is in appellations to dead ancestors, where it shared semantic space of general positive eulogy with precisely the words huáng (（中文）) and liè (（中文）). Any bases for why one was selected over another are not apparent.[5]
The posthumous names of the Zhou dynasty (1046–256 BCE) founders, King Wen and King Wu, represent the two terms as standing in the "father-and-son" relationship.[6] Wen and Wu became the most popular posthumous names of regional lords during the Zhou dynasty, but Wen in particular saw no usage until nearly the end of the Western Zhou, when central power was significantly weakened, suggesting the possibility of royal exclusivity akin to a ritual trademark.[7]
The first archaeologically attested use of wen and wu as common terms outside of posthumous epithets or as synecdoche for the Zhou founders dates to the Spring and Autumn period, where a ruler of the state of Qin used them to describe some of his positive qualities while asserting his assidiousness in acting as a responsible lineage head.[8] In the transmitted literature, the terms occur at the earliest strata of the earliest texts, the Shijing and the Shangshu, but the precise meaning of wen in particular is indeterminate from context.[9]
Shuoyuan, compiled by Liu Xiang (77–6 BCE, Han dynasty), gives a classical example of the terms' balancing against each other:
King Cheng enfeoffed Bo Qin [the Duke of Zhou's son] as the Duke of Lu. Summoning him, he addressed him, saying: "Do you know the Way of acting as the ruler over the people? ... Should you possess wen but lack wu, you will have no means to awe those below. Should you possess wu but lack wen, the people will fear you but not draw close. If wen and wu are implemented together, then your awe-inspiring virtue will be achieved."[10]
参考文献
- ^ McNeal (2012)，第8頁.
- ^ McNeal (2012)，第1-6頁.
- ^ Yuan-kang Wang, Harmony and war: Confucian culture and Chinese power politics. Columbia University Press, 2011:14. Quote from John K. Fairbank, "Varieties of the Chinese Military Experience," in Chinese Ways in Warfare, ed. Frank A. Kierman Jr. and John K. Fairbank (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1974), 7–9.
- ^ Falkenhausen (1996)，第11頁.
- ^ Falkenhausen (1996)，第6–7頁.
- ^ McNeal (2012)，第13-14頁.
- ^ Falkenhausen (1996)，第8, 15頁.
- ^ Falkenhausen (1996)，第5頁.
- ^ Falkenhausen (1996)，第2, 19頁.
- ^ McNeal 2012，第15頁, translating from Jundao chapter of the Shuoyuan. The source translates wen and wu respectively as "the civil" and "the martial". The words are returned to original here to clarify the interaction of the terms without overloading them with additional meaning.
书目
- Falkenhausen, Lothar von. The Concept of Wen in the Ancient Chinese Ancestral Cult. Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR). 1996, 18: 1–22. JSTOR 495623. doi:10.2307/495623.
- McNeal, Robin. Conquer and Govern: Early Chinese Military Texts from the Yi Zhou shu. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. 2012.
拓展阅读
- Kern, Martin. Ritual, Text, and the Formation of the Canon: Historical Transitions of "Wen" in Early China. T'oung Pao (Leiden: Brill). 2001, 87 (1/3): 43–91. JSTOR 4528866.
参见
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